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Lone Star Tarnished: A Critical Look at Texas Politics and Public Policy, by Cal Jillson
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Texas pride, like everything else in the state, is larger than life. So, too, perhaps, are the state’s challenges. Lone Star Tarnished approaches public policy in the nation’s most populous "red state" from historical, comparative, and critical perspectives. The historical perspective provides the scope for asking how various policy domains have developed in Texas history, regularly reaching back to the state’s founding and with substantial data for the period 1950 to the present. In each chapter, Cal Jillson compares Texas public policy choices and results with those of other states and the United States in general. Finally, the critical perspective allows us to question the balance of benefits and costs attendant to what is often referred to as "the Texas way" or "the Texas model."
Jillson delves deeply into seven substantive policy chapters, covering the most important policy areas in which state governments are active. Through his lively and lucid prose, students are well equipped to analyze how Texas has done and is doing compared to selected states and the national average over time and today. Readers will also come away with the necessary tools to assess the many claims of Texas’s exceptionalism.
- Sales Rank: #933425 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Routledge
- Published on: 2012-02-11
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.75" h x 5.75" w x .75" l, .90 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 304 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
About the Author
Cal Jillson is Professor in the department of political science at Southern Methodist University.
Most helpful customer reviews
20 of 23 people found the following review helpful.
Good on Texas history, but falls short in the present
By Chuck DeVore
"Lone Star Tarnished: A Critical Look at Texas Politics and Public Policy," by SMU political science professor Cal Jillson, is at its strongest when looking at Texas in decades past. But, as Professor Jillson moves from the Jim Crow era to the present, his work falls short.
In a nutshell, Jillson's main thesis is that Texas needs to tax itself more to spend more money on public education because a growing wave of Hispanic students need extra help if Texas is to be competitive economically into the future.
As a continuing theme to bolster his case, he mentions California 113 times in his book. This mention makes perfect sense, as the most and second-most populous states both feature diverse, and youthful populations. They both border Mexico and have long coastlines. And both are blessed with abundant natural resources. Where they differ is in their philosophies of government. And, this is where the professor's analysis comes up short.
In comparison after comparison, Jillson looks at Texas' per capita income, public expenditures, national rankings, and poverty levels to make the case that Texas is poor and needs to tax itself more to make needed public investments.
There's one problem with his analysis: per capita data is only so useful, especially across state lines when the cost-of-living varies as much as 44 percent between the states, with Hawaii, New York and California being the three most-costly states and Oklahoma and Texas being the least costly, at some 90 percent of the U.S. average.
To illustrate how using per capita income as a yardstick breaks down, in the chapter dealing with public education, Jillson displays two figures, 5.3 and 5.4, showing average Texas teacher's pay with the U.S. average, then showing the same data as a percent of U.S. pay with the present showing that teachers in Texas make about 88 percent of the national average. If this data is viewed in the context of Texas' cost-of-living being 90 percent of the U.S. average, then we see that Texas teachers make about 98 percent of the national average in buying power which, is pretty average.
Jillson attempts to make a case with SAT scores, showing them to be stagnant for Hispanics in the past 20 years. There are two problems with using SAT scores: they are self-selecting in that not all students take them and, in the past 20 years, there have been large demographic changes in Texas as the population of foreign-born children swelled (this trend has slowed significantly since the start of the great recession, a development not noted by Jillson).
Rather than the SAT, a better measure of broad educational achievement would be the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) test. Comparing Texas with the eight biggest states in the categories of math, science, and reading for 4th and 8th graders across all students, Hispanics, whites, and African-Americans, we see that Texas scored first in 11 of 24 categories. California, where they spend so much more for public education and where a similar portion of the population is foreign born and Hispanic, scored last in 15 of 24 categories. Further, Texas tied with Florida for having the smallest achievement gap between white students and black and Hispanic students (Florida had the smallest gaps among Hispanics--but 36 percent of Florida's Hispanic population is from the Cuban diaspora.)
Similarly, data on poverty statistics are seriously skewed by the fact that, in spite of criticisms stretching back at least 20 years, the U.S. Census Bureau calculates poverty rates as if the cost-of-living was uniform throughout America--tell that to a family of working poor in New York City (where the "rents" are famously "too damn high") to Texas, where the cost of food, clothing, transportation, health care, and shelter is about 43 percent less. If Texas poverty rate was adjusted for the cost of living, it would go from about 4 percent higher than California's to more than 7 percent less than California's--a swing of more than 11 percent that acknowledges that everything costs more in the Golden State.
One last observation in the realm of energy: Jillson approvingly cites California as having derived less than one percent of its energy use from coal since 1980. In this analysis, he cites the fact that California uses over 40 percent of its energy in the transportation sector. It's true that, due to a lack of native coal, California was never home to many coal-fired power plants. The problem with his analysis is that he overlooks the fact that California is the nation's largest importer of electricity and, until very recently, about half of that imported electricity was from coal-fired power plants. As recently as six years ago, about 22.3 percent of California's electricity came from coal, much of it from power plants in Utah owned by the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power, a monster municipal utility. Today, about 10 percent of California's electricity comes from coal, meaning that for overall energy consumption, coal provides somewhere around 2-3 percent of California's energy usage--not "less than one percent."
Reviewer: Chuck DeVore is Vice President of Policy at the Texas Public Policy Foundation. He served in the California State Assemblyman from 2004 to 2010. Before his election, he was an executive in the aerospace industry. He was a Special Assistant for Foreign Affairs in the Department of Defense from 1986 to 1988. He is a lieutenant colonel in the U.S. Army (retired) Reserve. DeVore is the author of "The Texas Model: Prosperity in the Lone Star State and Lessons for America," the co-author of "China Attacks," and author of the novel "Twilight of the Rising Sun."
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
A House Built on a Statistical Foundation of Sand
By SD
Cal Jillson makes a passionate case from a left-wing point of view; meaning that Texas doesn't tax enough and spend enough on the various government services such as education, roads and infrastructure, and welfare services. He does this by using (misusing) a flurry of statistics and charts throughout his book.
Being a professor of political science, one would assume that Cal would have at least a basic understanding of statistics and the concept of Simpson's paradox (a.k.a Yule-Simpson effect). However, many of the statistics Cal relies on are heavily subject to Simpson's paradox rendering them virtually meaningless in the context Cal attempts to use them for. Even more frustrating, Cal hints that he's at least aware of Simpson's paradox in the chapter on education when he discusses Texas SAT scores vs. the national average.
Texas repeatedly lags behind the national average in SAT scores. However, if you add the covariate of race and analyze Texas whites vs. national whites, Texas Hispanics vs. national Hispanics, and Texas blacks vs. national blacks, Texas performs very, very well compared to the national average. Cal spends a few paragraphs negatively comparing Texas using the flawed combined number and almost as an afterthought mentions that the combined number is affected by Texas's large Hispanic population vs. the country as a whole (i.e. Simpson's paradox). He then goes on to suggest that Texas would do better with more education spending comparable to the other states. However, since Texas performs so well vs. the rest of the country when you look at the more meaningful statistic (broken down by race), the question really becomes why are the other "blue" states that more closely resemble the type of government Jillson ascribes to (like New York, New Jersey, or California) unable to keep up with or significantly beat Texas when Texas behaves more on the red-state extreme. This completely cuts the legs out from under the argument to just tax more and throw more money at the Texas education system.
This is just one of many examples of statistics Cal used that are obviously subject to Simpson's paradox. This begs the question as to whether or not Cal's political bias prevented him from having any objectivity whatsoever when writing this book and prevented him from falling into the most sophomoric of fallacies in vetting which statistics to use to plead his case. It should also lead the reader to be wary of taking anything written in the book at face value.
0 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Jilson proves that the Texas Economic Miracle is a sham.
By D. Griffith
Excellent analysis of Texas's public policy past and present. Jilson's rigorous and data-driven research shows that Texas's toxic mix of racism, extreme individualism, and an aversion to taxation leads directly to Texas's low and falling government performance, especially on public education. Texas has failed repeatedly to address funding public education adequately, for example. Jilson's data shows that Texas's shockingly high rate of illiteracy led to twice the rate of rejection for Texas Army recruits during WWII. Subsequent well-intended policy reforms intended to improve education were repeatedly defeated by race-bating Texas legislators who cut school funding proportionally to black and Hispanic increases in enrollments. Jilson shows that Rick Perry's "Texas Economic Miracle" was a sham, built on poaching well-educated labor from mid-western states, exploiting vulnerable Hispanic immigrants for poorly paid work, and failing to provide for an adequate public education for the children of either group.
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